The Second

Since a Pseudo-Passive (PP) process involves a process of fronting, it is quite common to assume that a PP is a Fronting (F). In this regard, I would like to claim that a PP is not an F process. This claim is supported by some considerations from the syntactical point of view as well as the information structure that is based on my observations and data that are taken from language use in the context of Malay, particularly those of in Brunei Malay. In relation to this, I will provide some tests on various aspects of PP structure such as elements fronting test, nominal test, structural test and morphological test. In addition to these tests, I also include some considerations on the syntactical processes, elements, characteristics and the properties of PP and the informational structure organization in the context of a discourse in which both might tend to differ. These composite parameters are hoped to explain some differences between PP and Fronting as to avoid some misunderstanding or misleading interpretations in these two linguistics processes. For this purpose, I take an example as the following:

PP: Kopi saya buat untuk Sari (Objectal Passive)

coffee I make for Sari

The coffee is made by me for Sari

F: Untuk Sari, kopi saya buat

for S coffee I make

(?) For Sari, the coffee is made by me

In PP above, kopi ("coffee") is the fronted object of PP construction 'Kopi saya buat untuk Sari' that has been derived from its underlying active construction 'Saya membuat kopi untuk Sari.' On the other hand, in F, 'Untuk Sari' (for Sari) is the fronted element of its PP construction 'Kopi saya buat untuk Sari.'

What was referred to as "Indonesian language" in the Sumpah Pemuda (Oath of Youth) of 28 October 1928 when the Malay-based language was adopted by the youth as one of the unifying forces in the Indonesian struggle for independence: the standard or the nonstandard variant? The question, which was irrelevant to launch then, is pertinent to raise up today. The widespread official slogan "Use Good and Correct Indonesian" initiated by the Center for Language Development and Cultivation in late seventies -- not only through schools across the nation but also to the mass media -- has given rise to a distinct split between the standard and nonstandard variant. The latter, although a living and dynamic variant, a mother tongue of a young generation born in Jakarta and other big cities, is implicitly and quite frequently explicitly appraised as "bad and incorrect" Indonesian. The present paper is an attempt to demonstrate that the variant has an equally complex grammar as the standard variant and that the two are complementary. And, contrary to the case of Javanese where the high variant is "marked" while the low variant is "unmarked", the standard (high) Indonesian is "unmarked" while the nonstandard (low) Indonesian is "marked".

The diary being studied was written in Macassar (now Ujung Pandang) between 1781 and 1818. It details many aspects of life in Macassar society from that time. One aspect of life with which it deals is death. It records various different kinds of death; of old people and children; of slaves and rajas; from natural causes and from unnatural ones and of natives and non-natives. Of course, it would be expected that a range of deaths would be recorded in a diary/journal kept over such a long period of time. What makes this recording interesting is the consistent manner in which particular death types are recorded. This suggests that in written Malay in South Sulawesi and perhaps in spoken Malay, of the time, that there were particular conventions surrounding the mention of the death.

In this paper both the conventions of use of different terms in the manuscript in Indonesian and the issues arising from translating to equivalent forms in English will be addressed. In both languages, death and dying are surrounded with euphemistic phrases, terms and ideas. Interestingly, some of these seem to have both equivalent force and meaning: mati, die/dead/died; meninggalkan dunia/ meninggalkan negeri yang fana lalu ke negeri yang baka, gone, left, no longer with us/gone to a better place; pulang ke rahmat Allah, returned to the bosom of God; dibunuh, murdered; dikuburkan, interred; ditanam, buried. Others, in particular those that make particular reference to religion, or are in Arabic are a more challenging hurdle for the translator. The language used to describe these deaths is interesting in its reflection of socio-linguistics, and in particular of degree of formality, accorded these different types of people and deaths, by the writer of the diary. It ranges from 'dia mati', with no mention of the name or burial place, to long, descriptive passages explaining the reasons for death, the lineage of the corpse, Arabic blessing and the location of burial place. In general in the manuscript wealthy Indonesian Moslems who die in old age 'meninggalkan negeri yang fana lalu ke negeri yang baka'. The most striking comparisons may be made with those who die from misadventure and non-Moslems who tend to 'mati' regardless of their status. It seems, therefore, to be implicit that those who die in the second situation will not reach the otherworld. In discussion of burial, again Moslems and non-Moslems may be contrasted (those who die of misadventure tend not to have their details recorded). Moslems are 'dikuburkan' whereas the Chinese and Dutch, non-Moslems are 'ditanam'.

Humour is a concept that most people understand thus defining humour may at first seem an easy enough task to accomplish. Stating that humour is a response to a situation or comment that engenders mirth, and perhaps laughter, is nevertheless not adequate. 'One obvious problem that bedevils definitions of humour is whether it is to be viewed as a stimulus, a response or a disposition' (Chapman & Foot, 1976, p. 3).

The linguistics of humour. Pragmatics. Humour nestles within a branch of the field of semiotics where linguistic expression's meanings and their dependence on users is examined. Humour, its use or indeed lack of, is something that can be difficult for individuals to gauge judicially. Such 'sets of conventions' can be difficult within a narrow social setting, e.g. a family, a small office etc, to assess. There are also contexts in which humour is disallowed. When confronted within a broader setting 'errors' of judgement are inevitable. Thus an appreciation of how these conventions can be determined will vary through both space and time. This however does not explain what makes up humour. One must attempt to probe deeper into humour by looking at it from a semantic viewpoint.

Discourse analysis. Discourse analysis using semantic criteria to assess humour is also an interesting area in the linguistics of humour. Nash (1985) observes the semantic nature of language and the role of humour in the form of jokes. [T]here is usually a centre of energy, some word or phrase in which the whole matter of the joke is fused, and from which its powers radiate...[T]he language of humour dances most often on the points of some dual principle, an ambiguity, a figure and ground, an overt appearance and a covert reality' (p. 7). It is the writer's argument that Indonesian humour has developed from a particular set of social conditions in the country.

Development of Indonesian humour. During the last century Indonesian humour in literature has developed into a complex and sometimes stinging form. This development can be seen to reflect the rapid and dramatic changes which Indonesia has undergone during this time. From relatively innocent joking in such novels as those written during the Pudjangga Baru period to the sometimes harsh and ironic humour of modern, post independence writers and the current political and social humorous comment found in short stories such as those in the most recent Kompas short story collection, Indonesian humour in literature runs the gamut of human experience.

It has been claimed that in Indonesian relative clauses that are formed with the complementizer yang are restricted to subject relativization. For instance, Sneddon (1996, p. 286) states that "a relative clause can contain any constituent occurring in an independent clause except the subject, which is identical to the head of the embedding noun phrase... If the noun stands as object the verb must be passive."

The claim that yang relativization is limited to subjects is based on the fact that when objects are relativized the transitive prefix meN- cannot be employed:

(1) Dia me-lihat perempuan itu.

he meN-see woman that

'He sees that woman.'

(2) *Perempuan yang dia me-lihat itu menangis.

woman that he meN-see that cry

'That woman that he saw cried.'

The ungrammaticality of (2) is taken to show that objects cannot be relativized. While (2) is ungrammatical, (3), in which the transitive prefix meN- does not occur, is well formed:

(3) Perempuan yang dia lihat itu menangis.

woman that he see that cry

'That woman that he saw cried.'

Examples like (3) appear to be counter examples to the claim that objects cannot be relativized. The proponents of the subject-relativization hypothesis, however, explain such examples away as due to the operation of passivization: According to the subject-relativization hypothesis, relative clauses like (3) are based on passives (Sneddon's "Passive Type 2") like (4) rather than actives like (1):

(4) Perempuan itu dia lihat.

woman that he see

'The woman was seen by him.'

In this paper we shall show that Passive Type 2 cannot be the source for examples of object relativization. We demonstrate that the distributional restrictions on Passive Type 2 do not hold for object relativization. For example, for many speakers the agent in Passive Type 2 must be a pronoun. This restriction does not hold for object relativization. Furthermore, the word order in Passive Type 2 is obligatorily [Negative Modal Subject Verb], but in object relativization, the usual transitive word order of [Subject Negative Modal Verb] is possible. Thus, object relativization and Passive Type 2 do not share the same distributional restrictions. In addition, the omission of meN-, seen in object relativization, extends as well to subjects of complement clauses, an environment from which passive (neither Type 1 nor Type 2) is possible. Therefore, the omission of meN- in relative clauses does not seem to be the by-product of passivization, as the subject-relativization hypothesis would claim.

After demonstrating the inadequacy of the subject-relativization hypothesis, we shall show that the possibility of relativization with yang is not determined by the grammatical role of the NP (subject, object, adjunct etc.) , but rather by whether the use of yang relativization would result in preposition stranding. Hence, whenever a preposition is incorporated into the verb, either by use of an applicative suffix like -kan or -i, or by verb preposition incorporation, yang relativization is possible.

Brunei is practising a Bilingual System of Education. It was implemented in 1985. In this education system, Malay is the sole medium of instruction at lower primary level while English is dominant from upper primary level onwards. The pupils knowledge and proficiency in English are very limited. Because of this, codeswitching becomes very common especially at the upper primary level. The switches occur in language subjects and content subjects. Teachers and pupils often switch to the Malay varieties, either standard Malay or Brunei Malay.

This papers provides a preliminary description of codeswitching in the Bruneian primary classroom. The discussion will include reasons for and views on codeswitching.

In simple wh-questions, Singaporean Malay allows three different types of structures:

(1) In situ question: Ali beli apa? ‘ Ali buy what?’

(2) Moved: Apa Ali beli? ‘What did Ali buy?’

(3) Focus questions: Apa yang Ali beli? ‘What is it that Ali bought?’

The objective of this paper is to find out if children have both the in situ and fully moved question structures. If we find that they have the fully moved structure, do they also know the fully moved 'yang' focus question structure?

Using the Elicited Imitation method (EI), we made children (age 4-5) repeat test items. From other earlier studies using this same method, it has been found that if children were able to repeat the test items, this was because they knew the structure. The premise is that children will not be able to repeat test items with structures that they do not have without making numerous errors.

We found that the Malay children we tested have the in situ and fully moved questions, but they lack the focus questions with 'yang'. Furthermore, from the error analysis, we found that the error types for the fully moved question structure were generally vocabulary type errors rather than structural errors. These include the omission or addition of words, hesitations, but crucially not reconstructing the fully moved questions into in situ questions. The analysis of errors then showed the children did in fact know the fully moved question structure. On the other hand, error analysis for focus questions indicated that the children generally omitted ‘yang’, thereby repeating the WH question with a different structure.

Question Structure	% of Correct Responses
In situ (IS)	76.9%
Fully Moved (FM)	75.4%
Focus qu. with ‘yang’	26.7%

From our naturalistic data collected from two children between 3-3;5 years old, we found that they had more exposure to in situ questions than the other two forms. This is not to say that mothers do not use the fully moved questions when speaking to their children. However, the frequency was rather low as compared to the in situ questions. Furthermore, out of all the fully moved questions used by the mothers, a great proportion was adjunct questions using where, how, and why. This is the preferred form for adults for adjunct questions. In addition, mothers do not use yang focus questions.

These preferences in the input are reflected in the child data. In our experiment, we found that the children performed equally well for both arguments and adjunct question in in situ questions. This indicates that they know the in situ structure for both argument and adjunct questions. It is also significant, that children do better for FM adjunct questions than IS adjunct questions.

Question Structure	% of Correct Responses
	Argument	Adjunct
In situ (IS)	75.8%	77.8%
Fully Moved	69.2%	81.7%
Focus qu. with ‘yang’	38.3%	15.0%

Most commonly, Malay / Indonesian is considered to constitute either a single language, or else two very closely related languages, Malay and Indonesian. However, this view is a consequence of scholarly traditions which focus on the two closely related standardized varieties to the exclusion of the more numerous and diverse colloquial forms of Malay / Indonesian. If attention is shifted towards the latter, basilectal varieties, then a quite different picture emerges, one of a family of languages which, in its diversity, degree of mutual intelligibility, and reconstructed time depth, is on a par with other, more well-known language families such as Chinese, Arabic or Slavonic.

This paper is concerned with two hitherto virtually undescribed basilectal varieties of Malay / Indonesian: Riau Indonesian, spoken in Riau Province, in east central Sumatra, Indonesia, and Kuala Lumpur Malay, spoken in the capital city of Malaysia. Although relatively close to each other geographically, separated just by the narrow straits of Malacca, these two varieties of Malay / Indonesian, are of a low degree of mutual intelligibility, differing from each other in a variety of interesting ways.

This paper presents a contrastive analysis of Riau Indonesian and Kuala Lumpur Malay, showing how they vary with respect to some 20-odd features, phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic. The differences described are not random; rather, they exhibit a systematic areal / geographical pattern. Specifically, with respect to each of these features, Kuala Lumpur Malay &emdash; while differing from Riau Indonesian &emdash; resembles mainland southeast Asian languages such as Thai, Vietnamese, Cantonese and Hokkien. On the basis of these features, a southeast Asian sprachbund is posited, extending down the Malay peninsula to include the local varieties of Malay, but stopping at the water's edge (and political boundary), failing to cross the straits to the archipelago.

The similarities between Kuala Lumpur Malay and other mainland southeast Asian languages may be accounted for in terms of three conceptually distinct mechanisms: (a) linguistic diffusion; (b) a Chinese substratum; and (c) holistic typology, positing systematic correspondences between phonological and syntactic/semantic features in Universal Grammar. In the conclusion to this paper, it is suggested that each of the above three mechanisms may provide the most appropriate explanation for a different subset of the data.

One bright morning, the first Martian expedition to Earth landed on an island in the Riau archipelago in Indonesia, and little green linguists fanned out to study the local language. Being from another planet, they had never heard of Panini, Humboldt, and Chomsky, and were accordingly unacquainted with terrestrial linguistic theories. This being their first expedition to Earth, they had no previous familiarity with any other human languages, and therefore no prior knowledge of the structure of the human language faculty. Their mission: to construct a formal description of the Riau dialect of Indonesian, as a first step towards a characterization of the human mental organ, Universal Grammar.

Only a thought experiment, of course, but let us ask: What might such a description look like? Or in more practical terms: What would Riau Indonesian &emdash; as an exemplar of an "exotic" (ie. non-western) human language &emdash; look like if it were investigated from scratch, without the innumerable benefits, but also the equally overwhelming blinkers, of a few thousand years of a predominantly western linguistic tradition? This paper attempts to provide a preliminary answer to this question.

Compared to other, more familiar languages, Riau Indonesian is exceptional for the degree to which various grammatical categories are undifferentiated. Within most traditional theoretical frameworks, a description of Riau Indonesian would thus require abundant recourse to "zero entities": zero forms, zero markings, zero conversions, and so forth. However, such zero things are all too often artifacts of Eurocentric linguistic traditions: if Sanskrit or German or English have an overt form in a certain position, then it must be there in Riau Indonesian as well &emdash; if not overtly, then as a "zero". Instead, if one were to conduct an examination of Riau Indonesian on its own terms, from scratch, bottom up, and without reference to other languages, it would soon become clear that there is little or no internal evidence for the existence of such nouminal zero entities.

So what, then, did our little green linguists discover? In Riau Indonesian there is but a single open syntactic category, S (read: sentence), which contains almost all the individual lexical items and phrasal constituents in the language. The absence of any major parts-of-speech distinctions reflects the fact that, with only a handful of exceptions, all words and constituents share the same distributional privileges and syntactic behaviour &emdash; anything can go anywhere. At the heart of Riau Indonesian semantics is the Association Operator A: an n-place operator which applies to meanings M1 ... Mn to yield a meaning A ( M1 ... Mn ) associated, connected, or related in some way to each of M1 ... Mn. The compositional semantics of Riau Indonesian is based on the following three rules:

(1) Monadic Association Rule:

Given an S with interpretation M, S may be assigned the (superordinate) interpretation A ( M ).

(2) Polyadic Association Rule:

Given a syntactic structure [S S1 ... Sn ] (n>1) where S1 ... Sn have interpretations M1 ... Mn respectively, [S S1 ... Sn ] is assigned the interpretation A ( M1 ... Mn ).

(3) Headedness Rule:

Given a syntactic structure [S S1 ... Sn ] with interpretation A ( M1 ... Mn ), one of its constituent substructures, Mj, may be coindexed with the entire semantic structure for coreferentiality: [ A ( M1 ... [ Mj ]i ... Mn ) ]i.

In conjunction, the above three rules provide an adequate characterization of the basic semantic structure of Riau Indonesian. With these plus other supplementary rules, the little green linguists will have succeeded in their mission of constructing a formal description of the Riau dialect of Indonesian.

Their earthling counterparts may note with interest that the task has been accomplished without recourse to most of the supposedly indispensable staples of traditional syntactic and semantic theories. According to the description outlined above, Riau Indonesian has no parts-of-speech distinctions: no nouns, verbs, adjectives or prepositions, and no lexical categories or phrasal projections. Moreover, it has no grammatical relations such as subject and object; no government or thematic role assignment; no movement; and no empty positions. Instead of zeroes &emdash; zero forms, zero markings, and the like &emdash; it has, simply, nothing. By any reasonable criteria, the above description is simpler than, and hence preferable to the commonplace alternatives.

It would be nice to see the tables turned, and, after so much imposition of Eurocentric structures and analyses on the languages of the rest of the world, perhaps witness the injection of a little bit of Riau Indonesian into our theories of Universal Grammar.

The historical functional development of the Malay language in Indonesia has completed four functional crystallizations in its historical development, namely: 1) Malay as a lingua franca, 2) Malay as the second official language of the Dutch colonial administration from 1865 to the end of the Dutch colonialization of Indonesia, 3) Malay as the National Language of Indonesia, 1928, and 4) Malay became the National Language and the Official Language of Indonesia as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.

The functional historical development of the Malay language, at present, is in its fifth crystallization process: to become a language of wider communication in the regions of Southeast Asia. This process was marked by the Language Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the Malaysian Government in 1972.

The detente that was achieved in the form of the spelling agreement marked the beginning of further cooperation between the two nations in the field of language and culture. A permanent body Majelis Bahasa Indonesia-Malaysia was set up by the two governments in 1972 to plan and to implement cooperative measures in the field of language. At present the Majelis has been joined by Negara Brunei Darussalam, as a full member nation, and the Republic of Singapore, as observer.

Eighty percent of Indonesian children were born and brought up in the environment where local languages are dominantly used. This condition puts bahasa Indonesia as language of instruction in early primary schools in a big challenge.

On the one hand, the demand of mastering bahasa Indonesia for every Indonesian child is indispensibly important while the necessity of sustaining the use of local languages as cultural asset cannot be put aside. It is then advisable for primary school teacher to use proportionally bahasa Indonesia and local languages as language of instruction in transferring messages.

The cases in relation to this challenge and demand will raise discussions.

Makalah ini merupakan paparan hasil penelitian yang dilakukan di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang. Kota ini merupakan salah satu kota metropolitan di Indonesia yang berada di luar Jawa, tepatnya di kawasan timur Indonesia.

Makalah ini akan membahas empat hal pokok, yaitu:

1. Bagaimana situasi penggunaan bahasa Indonesia masyarakat desa tertinggal di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang dalam kehidupan sehari-hari;

2. Bagaimana tingkat pemahaman masyarakat desa tertinggal di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang terhadap penggunaan bahasa Indonesa dalam kehidupan sehari-hari;

3. Bagaimana sikap masyarakat desa tertinggal di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang terhadap penggunaan bahasa Indonesia dalam kehidupan sehari-hari; dan

4. Bagaimana pengaruh tingakt pemahaman dan sikap masyarakat desa tertinggal di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang terhadap penggunaan bahasa Indonesia dalam kehiduapn sehari-hari.

Penulisan makalah ini diharapkan dapat bermanfaat bagi:

1. Pengembang ilmu bahasa, dalam kaitannya dengan masyarakat;

2. Penyuluh bahasa dalam menyebar-luaskan penggunaan bahasa Indonesia dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, sehingga masyarakat desa tertinggal, khususnya di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang, dan di Indonesia pada umumnya, secara peka dapat menanggapi tantangan pembangunan daerah di era globalisasi ini;

3. Perencana pembangunan daerah, dalam mengidentifikasi tipe masyarakat yang menjadi objek pembangunan; dan

4. Pemerintah daerah, sebagai badan masukan dalam mempertimbangkan pentingnya bahasa Indonesia dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.

 

Cognate words are vocabulary items which occur in two or more historically related languages, such that they have similar meanings, and one can be transformed into the other by a predictable series of phonological changes (see for example Dyen, 1990). A comprehensive description of the transformation rules necessary for the interconversion of cognate words in Malay, Javanese, Sundanese and Madurese with the corresponding forms in their ancestor language, Proto-Malayo-Javanic (PMJ), has been given by Nothofer (1975). The phonemes which appear in the more modern languages are called the reflexes of those which appeared in the ancestor language. For example, the reflexes of PMJ "z" in all positions are "j" in Malay and Sundanese, "d" in Javanese and "jh" in Madurese. Thus the PMJ "zalan" (road) becomes "jalan" in Malay and Sundanese, "dalan" in Javanese and jhalan" in Madurese.

In this paper, two computer methods of identifying cognate pairs will be described. The first, dynamic programming, is language pair independent, and involves recording the number of substitutions, insertions or deletions required to transform one form into another. For example, to transform the Malay word "harga" into the Tagalog word "halaga" (both meaning "price") requires one substitution ("r" becomes "l") and one insertion (the second "a" of "halaga"), making a total of two operations. The fewer the number of operations required to make the transformation relative to the length of the longer word form, the more likely that the two forms are cognate. McEnery & Oakes (1996) empirically evaluated the effectiveness of this technique for the identification of cognates in English and French. In this paper, similar evaluations of dynamic programming using vocabulary lists for Malay, Javanese, Sundanese and Madurese will be described.

A second, language-pair specific, approach to cognate identification is an extension of the concept of stemming rules. Stemming rules are not traditionally used to determine cognatehood between languages, but to reduce all grammatical forms of a word in a single language to its root form or lemma. Such a set of rules for Malay are the suffix and prefix removal and replacement rules of Ahmad, Yusoff & Sembok (1996). For example, the verb form "menyukai" (to like) can be reduced to its root form "suka" by the rules "meny- becomes s-" and "-i is removed". A pair of words, each taken from a different language, which are both transformed to the same PMJ form are assumed to be cognate. The transformation rules of Nothofer are more complex than stemming rules, since they consider not only changes to the initial and final parts of the word, but also internal changes.

The advantages of being able to identify cognate pairs are as follows:

1. Borrowings can be distinguished from native vocabulary items by irregular correspondences (Nothofer, 1975, p3).

2. In studies of the historical relationship between languages, Lees' formula (1953) enables one to estimate the time which has elapsed since two languages diverged, if we know the proportion of core vocabulary items which are cognates. For example, Dyen (1965) found 48.4% cognation between Malay and Madurese vocabulary lists giving a time since divergence of about 526 years.

3. Simard, Foster & Isabelle (1992) proposed that the identification of cognates could assist the process of aligning a text with its translation sentence by sentence.

References:

F. Ahmad, M. Yusoff & T. M. T. Sembok (1996), "Experiments with a Stemming Algorithm for Malay Words", Journal of the American Society of Information Science (JASIS) 47(12), pp 909-918.

I. Dyen (1965), "A Lexicostatistical Classification of the Austronesian Languages", Memoir 19, Supplement to the International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 31, No. 1.

I. Dyen (1990), "Homomeric Lexical Classification", in "Linguistic Change and Reconstruction Methodology", edited by Philip Baldi, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin-New York, pp 211-230.

R. B. Lees (1953), "The Basis of Glottochronology", Language 29(2), pp 113-127.

A. M. McEnery & M. P. Oakes (1996), "Sentence and Word Alignment in the CRATER project", in "Using Corpora for Language Research", edited by J. Thomas & M. Short, Longman, London.

B. Nothofer (1975), "Reconstruction of Proto-Malayo-Javanic", Martinus Nijhoff, 'S-Gravenhage.

M. Simard, G. Foster & P. Isabelle (1992), "Using Cognates to Align Sentences in Bilingual Corpora", Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference of Theoretical and Methodological Issues in Machine Translation (TMI92), Montreal, Canada, pp 67-81.

 

Formal Grammars contain movement rules to describe the formation of, among other structures, WH-questions in languages like English, where the sequence of processes resulting in WH-question formation include movement of the WH-word to clause-initial position. English is, of course, not the only language in which such a process occurs. WH-movement is found, in fact, in most if not all Indo-European languages. Intrigued by this phenomenon, typologists in search of language universals have attempted to identify similar processes in other languages of the world which are not related to the Indo-European family.

At the first symposium on Malay/Indonesian linguistics, data from Singapore Malay was presented by a team of investigators who interpreted their data as indicating that, at least in this variety of the language, WH-movement was also a factor in WH-question formation.

The present paper will examine more extensive data in both Singapore Malay and Standard Indonesian an attempt to show that, though movement of elements is a common phenomenon in both varieties, it is motivated by functional (discourse-related) factors, applies equally to questions and statements, and is not a part of the question formation process.

A more general conclusion of this study will be that though the search for universals is a laudable endeavor, those engaged in it should not allow their enthusiasm to distort their perceptions. Finding a form in a language is only a first stage. Identifying and describing that form correctly requires a deeper understanding of communicative strategies in discourse organization within that language than the collection of a few sample sentences out of context can provide.

In this paper I will consider a range of familiar dependency constructions in Bahasa Melayu (Malay) such as relativization, yang-interrogatives and topic-comment clauses, and confront them with a revised look at the Accessibility Hierarchy (AH) (Keenan & Comrie (1977), which determines what type of NPs can form such a dependency by merely leaving a gap. I will show that in addition to this direct strategy there also exists a second strategy which has up to now not received adequate recognition in the syntactic literature on Malay. It involves the use of a resumptive pronoun and is available for those NPs not privileged enough to partake in the direct gap strategy.

At first sight, Malay appears to fully observe the wide-spread restriction on relativization in Austronesian languages: only the subject (1a) or a possessor (2) may be relativized, but not a direct object (1b):

(1) a. Saya nampak musuh itu [yang _ membunuh raja itu]

'I saw the enemy who killed the king'

b. *Saya nampak musuh itu [yang raja itu membunuh _]

'I saw the enemy who the king killed'

(2) Saya nampak guru itu [yang anak-nya meninggal]

'I saw the teacher whose child died'

Nevertheless, various authors have reported the occurrence of relative clauses which do not conform to this generalization. Example (3) is from Verhaar (1988), who calls the bound pronoun -nya in (3) a 'pronominal copy', but is unable to state the precise syntactic conditions on its occurrence.

(3) Anak [yang sudah seringkali Ali memukul-nya] itu

'The boy that Ali has already beaten him often'

In this paper I will show that the construction in (3) should not be set aside as a marginal phenomenon. Rather, it illustrates a systematic strategy to overcome the restrictions imposed by the AH. I will claim that the 'pronominal copy' should be analyzed as a resumptive pronoun (RP) and will show how the RP-strategy comes into play precisely where the AH marks the cutting-off point as to the relativizability of an NP. If an NP is not directly relativizable in terms of the AH, it may nevertheless be relativized, provided its position is marked by a RP, -nya in most cases. Seen from this perspective the type of RC in (2) constitutes simply the most well-known instantiation of this RP-strategy. The construction in (2) is therefore not a serious problem for the AH (Yeoh (1979)), but rather a confirmation of it, because a possessor is a grammatical function below the cutting-off point in the AH. The interaction of AH and RP-strategy makes the prediction that (1b) (and similar cases involving relativization of an oblique object) can be saved by using a RP in the DO-position. This is in fact the case, as (4) shows:

(4) Saya nampak musuh itu [yang raja itu membunuh-nya]

'I saw the enemy who the king killed'

The RP-strategy is not confined to relativization. It can also be observed in so-called possessor topic-comment clauses and object topic-comment clauses (Sneddon (1996)):

(5) a. Sopir itu [namanya/*nama Pak Ali]

'(Concerning) that driver, his name is Mr. Ali'

b. Surat itu [saya belum menerimanya/*menerima lagi]

'I haven"t received that letter yet' /'That letter, I haven"t received it yet'

However, the RP-strategy is subject to restrictions of its own: It is not possible in the group of yang-constructions comprising wh-questions, yes-no questions and identifying clauses (clefts), at least in contexts not involving further embedding. This is exemplified by the wh-question in (6):

(6) Apa [yang Fatimah membaca / *membacanya]?

'What is Fatimah reading?'

This asymmetry between RCs and the other yang-constructions is surprising and I will discuss the implications it has for a syntactic analysis of these constructions.

In the final part of my paper I will examine the syntactic and semantic features of Malay RPs. I will show that the RP-strategy is not confined to the bound pronoun -nya, but that, given the right syntactic context, the free pronouns dia and mereka can also function as RPs. In more complex configurations the RP-strategy can be used with all the mentioned constructions to salvage various standard types of island violations created by wh-islands, factive islands, the Coordinate Structure Constraint and the That-Trace Effect. (7c) illustrates how a subject RP constitutes one possibility of salvaging the that-trace violation

created by 'long' relativization in (7a):

(7) a. *Pemuda itu [yang saya tahu [bahawa sedang membaca buku]]

b. Pemuda itu [yang saya tahu [ sedang membaca buku]]

c. Pemuda itu [yang saya tahu [bahawa dia sedang membaca buku]]

'The young man who I know that he is reading a book'

(8a,b) illustrates an interesting contrast between bridge and factive verbs. 'Long' wh-question formation out of a clause embedded under a bridge verb is grammatical without a RP, but question formation out of a clause embedded under a factive verb is not. (8c) shows how an RP can salvage this violation of a factive island.

(8) a. Siapakah [yang Ali mempercayai [bahwa Zul telah melihat]]?

'Who does Ali believe that Zul has seen?

b. *Siapakah [yang Ali menyesali [bahwa Zul telah melihat ]]?

'Who does Ali regret that Zul has seen?'

c. Siapakah [yang Ali menyesali [bahwa Zul telah melihatnya]]?

'Who does Ali regret that Zul has seen him?'

This range of facts leads to the final topic, the precise syntactic status of Malay RPs. Sells (1984) draws the distinction between distance resumptives (as in English) and true syntactic resumptives (as in Hebrew and other Semitic languages). I will show that Malay RPs should not be treated as a pure distance phenomenon, but rather as genuine members of the latter category. On the basis of their distribution in island context I will discuss whether they can be analyzed as in-situ null operators (Demirdache (1991)). Finally, I will draw further semantic evidence for my analysis from the fact that they can be bound by quantified antecedents, i.e. receive a bound variable interpretation.

References:

Demirdache, Hamida Khadiga (1991): Resumptive Chains in Restrictive Relatives, Appositives and Dislocation Structures. Ph.D.Diss., MIT.

Keenan, Edward L. & Bernard Comrie (1977): "Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar". Linguistic Inquiry 8:1. 63-99.

Sells, Peter (1984): Syntax and Semantics of Resumptive Pronouns. Ph.D.Diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

Sneddon, James Neil (1996): Indonesian: A comprehensive grammar. London: Routledge.

Verhaar, John W.M. (1988): "Phrase Syntax in Contemporary Indonesian: Noun Phrases." Bambang Kaswanti Purwo (ed.) Towards a Description of Contemporary Indonesian, Part 3. Jakarta: Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya. 1-45.

Yeoh, Chian Kee (1979): Interaction of Rules in Bahasa Malaysia. Ph.D.Diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

1. It is generally known that "Sastra Melayu" is a part of literature in Indonesia. Therefore "Sastra Melayu" is in integral of the teaching of Indonesian and literature in South Sulawesi.

2. Experiences have shown that messages conveyed in "Sastra Melayu" are very relevant in developing human resources in South Sulawesi. Those literary pieces are Pantun, Syair, Gurindam, Peribahasa and Prose such as "Hang Tuah" and "Si Miskin".

3. This paper will discuss the place of "Sastra Melayu" in teaching Indonesian in South Sulawesi, what forms of "Sastra Melayu" still exist in South Sulawesi, and what benefits can be implemented in teaching languages and literature in South Sulawesi.

 

Ujung Pandang Indonesian is a term used provisionally here to refer to a subdialect of the variety of Indonesian used in an area which covers the modern provinces of South Sulawesi as well as parts of Southeast Sulawesi and Central Sulawesi. It is spoken natively by members of various ethnic groups, and especially among ethnically mixed families, in the city of Ujung Pandang. It is still to be determined whether Ujung Pandang Indonesian is a direct continuation of what is sometimes referred to in the literature as Makassarese Malay. Most native speakers of South Sulawesi languages also speak Ujung Pandang Indonesian or a related variety of Indonesian as a second language.

One of the most striking features of Ujung Pandang Indonesian is the use of various high-frequency function morphemes, mostly pragmatic particles and pronominal clitics, which have been borrowed from Makassarese. They are used by speakers from all walks of life, although their frequency increases in basilectal forms. In fact, some of these borrowed morphemes do not occur at all in acrolectal forms of Ujung Pandang Indonesian. Interestingly, the use of some of the particles in Ujung Pandang Indonesian is different from their use in Makassarese.

This paper will examine several aspects of some common borrowed Makassarese function morphemes in Ujung Pandang Indonesian. Parallels will be drawn with some other regional Malay/Indonesian koinés which have incorporated function morphemes from local languages. Finally, a brief sociolinguistic analysis of the phenomenon will be given, putting it in the context of language contact in general.

Most modern phonological descriptions of Classical Malay, as well as those of Bahasa Malaysia and Bahasa Indonesia, include a mid-central vowel phoneme (/‚/). This vowel is often referred to as pepet.. In this paper, I will examine the status of pepet along two axes: a vertical, temporal axis (the representation of pepet in literary Malay/Indonesian during different stages of its development), and a horizontal, spatial axis (the representation of pepet in some contemporary varieties of Malay/Indonesian). The temporal axis will needs involve mostly standard varieties of Malay, because much more information on the phonology of earlier stages of these varieties exists, in comparison to vernacular varieties. However, in the discussion of the spatial axis, reference will be made to some nonstandard varieties as well. It is suggested that a close examination of pepet and its distribution casts some doubts regarding the way this vowel is usually viewed.

This paper proposes semantic explications in natural language for confirmative particles in Ambonese Malay. It will try to apply the Natural Semantic Metalanguage approach combined with functional one. Although only four particles will be examined in the present paper, I hope to demonstrate the efficacy of these approaches as rigorous ways of analyzing illocutionary particles in general.

It normally happens in conversational exchange that a speaker, for some reason, expects a confirmation or approval from the addressee. Various linguistic devices may be used for this purpose: prosodic features, clitics, particles, etc. Ambonese Malay has four particles that can be employed. This paper discusses their use, function and meanings in various speech acts.

The Cocos (Keeling) Islands are an Australian territory located in the Indian Ocean. The Cocos Malay people elected full integration with Australia in 1984 under an United Nations supervised election. Cocos Malay could therefore be described as a dynamic rare language of Australia.

This paper aims to provide a brief overview of the Cocos Malay language and identify some of the key linguistic influences, including Sundanese, Javanese, British English, "old Malay", "Malaysian" and Australian English. A brief historical background identifying the periods and nature of these influences will be presented.

It also aims to touch upon some linguistic traits which may be unique to Cocos Malay such as peculiar vocabulary, ‘unusual’ morphological patterns and the partial recognition of the passive sentence structure involving di- prefixes.

Present and potential future linguistic influences upon the Cocos Malay dialect will also be suggested. In addition the presenter will be most interested to gain feedback from participants as to whether certain linguistic traits can be identified as being shared with other Malay dialects.

The study examines word stress in Malay and focuses on results from data collected of spoken Malay. Tape recordings of Malay words and sentences were made from 3 native speakers to provide data for F0 analysis. The stressed syllables in each isolated word and word in embedded sentences were marked intonationally with rises and sharp falls in F0, compared to gradually falling F0 in unstressed syllables. Stress deviations were then measured in terms of F0 deviations from the norm. Results showed that in Malay, main stress in a root word is final and invariable. Other results indicated that stress in Malay is 'tono-temporal', which means it is often marked by a pitch (that is tone) and by tempo (that is time or duration). Intensity (amplitude or loudness) is not a determinant of word stress in Malay. Stressed or accented syllables were characterized by a rise followed by a sharp deep fall of between 80-100 Hz (occurring on or immediately after the vowel of the emphasized syllable). The stressed syllable is also lengthened. Malay words can take a maximum of two prefixes and two suffixes and it appears that prefixes have no effects on stress but suffixes do. Main stress falls on the final syllable in root words and when suffixes are added, stress shifts to the first suffix. A similar F0 pattern occurs with reduplicated words: the final syllable of the root word gets main stress.

Although Malay may have single-member codas, there is a restriction in the language which prohibits a small class of consonants from occupying the coda position. In the phonological analysis of syllable structures, the prohibition of some segments in the coda is governed by the Syllable Coda Condition (Itô 1986), which has usually been conceived of as a negative condition ruling out particular configurations syllable-finally.

In the earlier analysis of Optimality Theory, the Syllable Coda Condition is governed by a formal constraint generally referred to as CODA COND and defined in prose. For example, CODA COND for Axininca Campa (McCarthy & Prince 1993a, 1994) is as follows: CODA COND - A coda consonant is a nasal homorganic to a following stop or affricate.

In recent Optimality Theory, this constraint has been reinterpreted and reformalised in terms of an alignment statement requiring consonants to be left-aligned with a syllable (Itô & Meister 1994), as formally defined as follows: CODA COND - Align-Left (C, s). Following Itô and Meister (1994), I argue that Malay has four constraints subsumed under the CODA COND constraint family, namely, ALIGN-STOP, ALIGN-OBST, ALIGN-RHOTIC and ALIGN-NASAL. These constraints are distinct, and therefore they are separately ranked in the constraint hierarchy.

Illicit coda segments in Malay are resolved by three different strategies - feature delinking, feature spreading and root node delinking. The effects of CODA COND constraints ALIGN-STOP, ALIGN-OBST, ALIGN-RHOTIC and ALIGN-NASAL are represented in four phonological phenomena called Debuccalisation, Obstruent Devoicing, r-Deletion and Nasal Assimilation, respectively.

The use of Indonesian Language in South Sulawesi shows regional influence which can be classified into both vowels and consonants. Based on the speakers' region, the influence can be classified into:

Eastern region, includes Sinjai region;

Southern Region, includes Jeneponto and Takalar;

Western Region, includes Ujungpandang and Pare-Pare;

Central Region, includes Wajo, Soppeng, Bone and Palopo;

Northern Region, includes Maspul and Tana Toraja.

The variation ranges from the pronunciation of vowel /‚/ into /e/ and /o/; consonant stops /p,t,k,b/ into glottal stop /Ê/; and nasals, final /m,n/ into velar nasal /ˆ/.

However, the variations do not seem to influence oral communication among the speakers of South Sulawesi, but it may cause misunderstanding at national level.

The significant influence retains in written language by many of Indonesian students even up to the tertiary level, which might disturb the flow of communication.

Phonetic features of the Arabic (AR) loan-words both in Indonesian (IND) and Azerbaijani (AZ) were studied sufficiently. But this question is still not investigated contrastively, i.e. on the data of AR and AZ.

As a result of our studies we established that AR loan-words in IND are almost the same which are in AZ despite Arabic influence in Azerbaijan goes back to the VIII century, whereas in Indonesia it dates from the XIII century.

Finding out phonetic features of the AR loan-words in these languages has both theoretical and practical significance. Thus, since the AR loan-words in these languages are almost the same, hearers of anyone of them, if they know the phonetic differences of AR loan-words in both languages, can immediately identify any loan-word. In such a way they will have a large vocabulary.

We deal with changes to which the AR vowels and diphthongs were subjected to in the AR loan-words in IND and AZ.

In spite of the considerable differences between the phonetic systems of AZ and IND, phonetic changes to which the AR loan-words were subjected to in both languages often coincide.

For instance, reduction of the length of vowels, adding an epenthetic vowel between adjacent consonants in initial and ultima of a word, etc.

In IND so called AR diphthongs are more changeable, though in contrast to AZ, in IND there are a number of diphthongs similar to that in AR.

These and other features are typologically significant and may be included in the inventory of classificatory features.

Many second language acquisition (SLA) studies have been done in European languages mainly in English and German as a second language. Some studies have been done in Asian languages such as Japanese and Chinese. However, very few studies have been done in Indonesian. This study is an attempt to contribute to these rare studies. This is a report of a cross-sectional study involving West Australian University students and one RAAF School of Languages student interviewed for 9 months. Students in years 1, 2 and 3 of Murdoch University and The University of Western Australia were tested using a designed test instrument. The purpose was to find out the developmental stages of acquisition. The data were analysed using Multi Dimensional Model of Acquisition developed by Clahsen, Meisel, and Pienemann. The results gave some strong evidence to support the general hypotheses formulated based on the model. Some problems occurred in the detailed hypotheses.

The results of the study also raised some questions in regard to the applicability of the model which Pienemann claimed to be non-language specific.